Mesopotamia, Egypt and Greece
Mesopotamia and Egypt

The history of money
Mesopotamia, Egypt and Greece
Mesopotamia and Egypt
Coinage and bullion
The age of silver
Money and credit
Conclusion
China and the Far East
The origins of money and development of coins
Coin design
The use of money
Paper money
Amulets and money not for use
The discourse of money
Modern money
India and South-East Asia
James Prinsep and Indian money
The beginnings of coinage in India
Further influences from the north-west
Money and religion
Money and the market-place
The spread of Indian monetary systems
The Islamic Lands
Religion and the power of money
Coins and early Islam
The raw materials of money in the Islamic world
Coins and money in daily life and trade
Paper money
The Roman World
Coins in the Roman world
Wealth and corruption
The empire
Money and inflation
The later Roman Empire
Conclusion: change and continuity
Africa and Oceania
Salt and the culture of coinage
'Curious money'
Money and ethnography
Money in transformation
Money as a social phenomenon
Medieval Europe
Money in the wake of Rome: c. AD 450-c. 750
The age of the penny: c. 750-1150
Byzantium
The later Middle Ages in western Europe: c. 1150-1450
The Early Modern Period
New bullion, new worlds
States, coins and inflation
Banknotes and paper money
Conclusion
The Modern Period
Fiduciary money and convertibility
America in the nineteenth century
Paper money and revolution in the modern world
Intellectual changes
World wars and Keynesian economics
The post-war world and monetarism


The history of money begins with ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt. About 250 BC, coinage in gold, silver and bronze was the most widespread form of money throughout most of the Mediterranean world, the Near East and India. While coinage only makes its earliest appearance in the late seventh century BC, the tradition of using precious metals, and especially silver, as money takes us back as far as the twenty-fourth century BC in Mesopotamia.

The transaction envisaged in the passage of Genesis, an amount of silver in exchange for a slave, is quite plausible for the historical period in which the biblical story of Joseph is supposed to have been set (early second millennium BC), but with one vital qualification. The seventeenth-century English translators of the text wrongly thought that this passage referred to coins ('pieces of silver'). The most important point to remember about the monetary use of metals in Mesopotamia and Egypt is that they passed as bullion by weight and not as coins, and that consequently the value of the metal to be used in a payment would have been assessed on a pair of scales on each separate occasion.  It is also important to place the occurrence of monetary phenomena within the overall context of ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian economic life, which is generally thought to have been typified by a system called 'centralized redistribution', a technical term describing the primary process whereby goods were distributed among the population. This was not done through the action of the market; rather, manufactured goods and agricultural produce seem to have been collected from the people by the authorities, kings and temples, and then redistributed among them according to status and occupation.

Despite the dominance of central power in articulating much of what we would describe as economic life in these ancient societies, silver was recognizably used as money in a number of ways. Several early texts documenting the principles of law and justice in Mesopotamia are preserved on clay tablets and stone inscriptions from the royal and temple archives and monuments of the cities in the region. They provide us with some evidence of the social framework within which precious metal was used as money. In the 'law codes' (which were proclamations of the role of the king in establishing justice rather than legal codes of practice) a wide range of payments is documented in terms of fixed amounts of weighed silver. Some codes also identify the king as the authority for establishing the standard weights, and some surviving weights also bear the name of the king as testimony to this. Fines for harming another's person or property were usually reckoned in silver. For instance, according to the law code of the king of Eshnunna in northern Mesopotamia (beginning of the second millennium BC), the fine for biting a man's nose was 1 mina of silver (about half a kilo), a significant amount, while a slap in the face was reckoned at 10 shekels, a sixth as much. The same law code also sets out an ideal price list of common goods, as an expression of the benefits of prosperity brought about by royal justice, listing nine different commodities by weight and that should be worth one shekel of silver. Interest rates, figure in these quasi-legal texts. Both the Eshnunna code and the more famous Code of Hammurabi of about two centuries later mention an interest rate on loans in silver at 20 per cent. They also show that debts could be paid off in grain with interest according to a silver grain rate, if the debtor had no silver. Grain by volume seems in appropriate circumstances to have performed monetary functions -for payments to agricultural workers, for instance. The Eshnunna law code quantifies the ideal daily wage of a harvester in both grain and silver (12 se, about half a gram). Grain is also used in these texts to express the value of foodstuffs, whereas silver is used to express the value of a wider range of goods, from metals to oil and from lard to wool. From the same period, documents from the city of Ur in southern Mesopotamia containing the balanced accounts of merchants demonstrate that the representation of the monetary use of silver and grain in the law codes largely reflects everyday practice. Many such texts show that silver by weight was used as a standard means of accounting for the value of different goods, and that silver itself was often used as a means of payment in commercial transactions, together with barley.

How did this silver standard work? When the metal itself was paid from one party to another for whatever purpose, silver was weighed out on a balance according to the amount determined by law in the payment of a fine, say, or the sum agreed by the parties to a transaction. Hoards of silver found by archaeologists in Mesopotamia and Iran suggest that the metal was made into large ingots, cut into small scraps or drawn out into thin wire in order to facilitate the correct weighing out of the silver in bullion form. The silver wire was also made into rings which, documentary evidence suggests, were sometimes made to a certain weight.

In Mesopotamian cities, temples played a central role in what we might call the monetary sphere. They were probably the guardians of the official weights, and were generally important in the regulation of the silver system. As prestigious and literate institutions and wealthy repositories of silver and gold, temples were also the centers where records of payments and loans were made and kept. A document dated to 1823 BC records a loan from the temple of the god Shamash in the city of Sippar.

Silver itself, then, was commonly used as a monetary medium in ancient Mesopotamia. The king and the temples established the weight standards and published in inscriptions the values of certain commodities in silver (though it is uncertain how far this should be understood as representing official price-fixing) as well as the amounts of silver to be paid according to law in a range of circumstances -fines, interest, wages, and so on. But these authorities did not concern themselves further with the public supply of silver. It seems that the monetary 'circulation' of silver bullion was a social custom regulated to some extent by king and temple, but not directly administered by them. The metal had to be imported into the region from surrounding areas, and much of it would have been consumed - in effect hoarded -by kings, aristocrats and temples through taxes, tributes and plunder. As such, silver was a highly valued substance with strong symbolic associations with royalty, wealth and power, and the substantial surplus that was not immobilised in treasuries was potentially available for monetary use.

Similarly deprived of local sources of silver, ancient Egypt was, however, rich in gold from Nubia and in the agricultural wealth resulting from the yearly flooding of the Nile. In a letter to King Amenhotep III (now in the British Museum), Tushatta, King of Mitanni (c. 1390-1352 BC), says that in Egypt 'gold was more common than dust'. There is frequent mention in texts from the later New Kingdom (c. 1295-1069 BC) of standard weights (the deben of 91 grams, and its tenth, the kite), according to which metals were used as money in much the same ways as in Mesopotamia -both as a direct means of payment and in accounting for value across a range of goods in transactions by barter. A document preserved from the New Kingdom period records how a policeman, Amunmes, bought an ox valued at 50 deben of copper (about 4.55 kg) from a workman, Penamun, but only 5 deben were actually paid in copper. The balance was made up by a variety of other commodities whose values were also expressed in deben of copper -fat (30 deben), oil (5 deben) and clothing (10 deben). This text comes from the village of Deir el-Medina near the city of Thebes, inhabited by the skilled craftsmen who worked on the royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings. A large number of such documents have survived from this highly literate community, which show that buying and selling on this system were frequent and that silver was a commonly used metal to express units of value in payments. Indeed, the Egyptian word for silver (hedj) seems to have taken on a broader meaning approaching that of money. This can be seen in a document from Deir el-Medina which records the repayment of a loan of ,"silver' (in other words, money) to the sum of 76 deben of copper by one Shedydemduat to a workman named Pennuit. Fifty-four deben had already been repaid, and the remainder still to be returned was therefore 22 deben, in order to complete the amount of "silver" '.

Though the amounts are expressed in terms of copper deben, the payments could in fact have been made in a variety of goods. But silver, when available, was clearly highly acceptable as a means of payment, and hoards of gold and silver bullion have been found in Egypt. One such hoard, found during excavations in el-Amarna, the city of King Akhenaten (c. 1352-1336 BC), part of which is in the British Museum, contained both gold and silver ingots and pieces of cut silver, much of which is in rings, and a small silver figurine. The weights of some of the individual ingots of gold and silver seem to approximate to multiples and fractions of the deben. The hoard as a whole illustrates the forms in which assorted fragments of precious metal were weighed out and passed from hand to hand in Egypt within a system which commonly used the value of precious metal in payments.


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